| 53143 | Epena | iči | | | Pardo and Aguirre (1993) | |
| 53191 | Emberá-Baudó | iči | | | Pardo and Aguirre (1993) | |
| 53239 | Embera-Chamí | iči | | | Pardo and Aguirre (1993) | |
| 53287 | Embera-Catío | iǰi | | | Pardo and Aguirre (1993) | |
| 53383 | Nadëb | ta- | | | Bolaños and Epps (2009) | |
| 53478 | Yuhup | tɨh | | | Bolaños and Epps (2009) | |
| 53622 | Nukak Makú | kaan | | | Bolaños and Epps (2009) | |
| 53670 | Yucuna | ri- | | | Yukuna, Yukuna, Schauer and Schauer (2005) | |
| 53718 | Murui Huitoto | naimɨe | | | Piñeros and Roselli (2000) | |
| 43432 | Turkish | on̪un̪ | Corrected by T. Mark Ellison | | Göksel and Kerslake (2005) | |
| 31390 | Javanese | -ne, -nipun | -e and -ipun are affixed to words ending in a consonant. -ne and -nipun are affixed to words ending in a vowel. | | Robson (1992) | |
| 50075 | Cubeo | ɨ̃-hi | hi- is used with a limited set of lexical items (kin terms: father, mother, older sibling); it is alos only segmentally homophonous to 1.sg possessive, since when they overlap, the 3rd person form is a separate functional word, and the 1st person is a prefix | | Morse and Maxwell (1999) | |
| 52518 | Ocaina | i̙ha̙ | i̙ha̙ is an animated form, the inanimated one is ttʸa̙hu̙ | | Rosselli (2000) | |
| 43288 | Chadian Spoken Arabic (Nigerian Dialect) | -a | In free variation with '-e' (Owens 1993:84). | | Owens (1993) | |
| 61030 | Crow | is- | is- is the alienable form. The forms of inalienable pronominal prefixes depend on the stem initial sounds. | | Graczyk (2007) | |
| 26808 | Polish | jego | jego is the masculine and neuter form, jej is the feminine form. | | Rothstein (1993) | |
| 60235 | Welsh-ICR-KQ | ei- | mutation pattern | | King (2003) | |
| 60365 | cora_ICR_TCC_2 | aɨh | no direct example of possessive 3rd person in the grammar, though the authors says that 3rd person possessive pronouns are equal to object pronouns | | Casad (1984) | |
| 43780 | Egyptian Spoken Arabic (Cairene Dialect) | -u | The alternate form ‘bitaːʕuh’ is also reported (Gary and Gamal-Eldin 1984:84). | | Gary and Gamal-Eldin (1984) | |
| 46371 | Cantonese | kéuih | The form 'héuih' is also listed (Yip 1999:17). | | Matthews and Yip (1994) | |
| 44547 | Chimariko | -ita | The form '-je' is also listed (Jany 2009:71). | | Jany (2009) | |
| 49883 | Torau | -la | The form '-na' also exists. | | Evans (2015) | |
| 50591 | Kwamera | -ni | The form /-n/ is also listed (LIndstrom et al. 1994:6). | | Lindstrom and Lynch (1994) | |
| 46083 | Kaingang | ti | The form '-n' is also listed (Wiesemann 1972:101). | | Wiesemann (1972) | |
| 45123 | Hausa | -nsà | The forms '/-nshì' and '-nasà' are also listed (Newman 2000). | | Newman (2000) | |
| 49211 | Kham (Western Parbate) (Takale Dialect) | o- | The form 'u-' is also listed (Watters 2002:163). | | Watters (2002) | |
| 44356 | Somali | -kìisa | The form used for a feminine possessum is '-tìisa'. | | Saeed (1999) | |
| 45219 | Iraqw | -ós | The form '-wós' is also listed (Nordbustad 1988). | | Nordbustad (1988) | |
| 51407 | Daasanach | =lé | This enclitic also functions as an emphasis marker (Tosco 2001:247-8). In addition, note that the phonologically conditioned variant /=llé/ occurs when this element attaches to a word with a final vowel (Tosco 2001:247). | | Tosco (2001) | |
| 45891 | Jamamadí (Jarawara Dialect) | hinaka | This form can only be used to indicate possession by an animate (Dixon 2004:77). There is no form for inanimate possessors (Dixon 2004:77). | | Dixon (2004) | |
| 49595 | Sãotomense | -e | This form is in fact only used for the first object, the second object form is ‘eˈle’ (Ferraz 1979:64). | | Ferraz (1979) | |
| 43924 | North Levantine Arabic (Damascene Dialect) | -o | This form surfaces as ‘-∅’ when suffixed to a verb with a final vowel (Cowell 1964:540). | | Cowell (1964) | |
| 50159 | Greek | tu | /tu/ is the 3SG masculine form. The neuter form is /tu/ (Pring 1950:54). | | Pring (1950) | |
| 55707 | Ndut | -i | vowel undergoes ATR harmony | | Morgan (1996) | |
| 50879 | Lingala | yé | /yé/ is in fact the 3s animate form, the 3s inanimate form is /yangó/ (Meeuwis 2010:74). | | Meeuwis (2010) | |
| 61952 | Martuthunira | yirnawu | yirnawu is a proximal demonstrative and ngurnuwu is a distal demonstrative. | | Dench (1995) | |
| 24331 | Dutch | zijn | | | Spronck (2013) | |
| 24399 | Ungarinyin | anaŋga | | | Rumsey (1982) | |
| 24535 | Malak-Malak | yöntön | | | Birk (1976) | |
| 24603 | Kalkutungu | aḽaa | | | Black (1979) | |
| 24671 | Ritharngu | ṋanŋu | | | Heath (1980b) | |
| 24739 | Garlali | ṋia | | | McDonald and Wurm (1979) | |
| 24807 | Paakantyi | ŋan̲a | | | Hercus (1982) | |
| 24875 | Wandarang | agi | | | Heath (1980a) | |
| 24943 | Yuwaalaraay | ŋūŋu | | | Williams (1980) | |
| 25079 | Tyeraity | yöntön | | | Breen (1990) | |
| 25147 | Mara | jawuru | | | Heath (1981) | |
| 25333 | Gambera | -bilanaŋga | | | Capell and Coate (1984) | |
| 25374 | Yawijibaya | yaniŋge | | | Capell and Coate (1984) | |
| 25418 | Yindjibarndi | wala | | | Wordick (1982) | |
